里(li)根第一任总统就职演说
罗纳德-里(li)根 第一次就职(zhi)演说(shuo)
第40任(ren)总统(1981年-1989年)
议员(yuan)海特菲尔(er)德先生(sheng)(sheng)、法(fa)官先生(sheng)(sheng)、总(zong)统(tong)(tong)先生(sheng)(sheng)、副总(zong)统(tong)(tong)布什、蒙代尔(er)先生(sheng)(sheng)、议员(yuan)贝克先生(sheng)(sheng)、发言人(ren)奥尼尔(er)先生(sheng)(sheng)、尊敬(jing)的(de)(de)摩(mo)麦先生(sheng)(sheng)，以及广(guang)大支持我的(de)(de)美国同胞们(men)：今天对于我们(men)中间的(de)(de)一(yi)些人(ren)来说(shuo)，是一(yi)个(ge)非常庄严隆重(zhong)的(de)(de)时(shi)刻。当然，对于这个(ge)国家的(de)(de)历史(shi)来说(shuo)，却是一(yi)件普(pu)通的(de)(de)事(shi)情(qing)。按照宪法(fa)要求，政府(fu)权利正(zheng)在(zai)有(you)序地(di)移交(jiao)，我们(men)已经如此“例行公事(shi)”了两个(ge)世(shi)纪，很少有(you)人(ren)觉得这有(you)什么特别(bie)的(de)(de)。但在(zai)世(shi)界上更多人(ren)看来，这个(ge)我们(men)已经习以为常的(de)(de)四年一(yi)次的(de)(de)仪式(shi)，却实在(zai)是一(yi)个(ge)奇迹(ji)。
总统先生，我希望我们(men)(men)的(de)(de)(de)同胞们(men)(men)都(dou)能知道你为了(le)这(zhei)个(ge)传承(cheng)而付(fu)出的(de)(de)(de)努力。通过(guo)移交程序(xu)中的(de)(de)(de)通力合作，你向观察者展示了(le)这(zhei)么一个(ge)事实：我们(men)(men)是发誓要团(tuan)结(jie)起(qi)来维护这(zhei)样(yang)一个(ge)政(zheng)治体(ti)制的(de)(de)(de)团(tuan)体(ti)，这(zhei)样(yang)的(de)(de)(de)体(ti)制保证了(le)我们(men)(men)能够(gou)得到比其(qi)他政(zheng)体(ti)更为广(guang)泛的(de)(de)(de)个(ge)人(ren)自由(you)。同时我也(ye)要感谢你和你的(de)(de)(de)伙(huo)伴们(men)(men)的(de)(de)(de)帮助，因为你们(men)(men)坚持了(le)这(zhei)样(yang)的(de)(de)(de)传承(cheng)，而这(zhei)恰恰是我们(men)(men)共和国的(de)(de)(de)根基。
我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)国家的(de)(de)事业在(zai)(zai)继续前进。合众(zhong)国正(zheng)面临巨(ju)大(da)的(de)(de)经济困难。我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)遭遇到我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)国历史上历时最长(zhang)、最严重之一的(de)(de)通货膨胀(zhang)，它扰乱着(zhe)(zhe)我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)的(de)(de)经济决策，打击着(zhe)(zhe)节俭的(de)(de)风气，压迫着(zhe)(zhe)正(zheng)在(zai)(zai)挣扎谋生(sheng)的(de)(de)青年人和收入固(gu)定(ding)的(de)(de)中年人，威胁着(zhe)(zhe)要摧毁我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)国千(qian)百万人民的(de)(de)生(sheng)计。
停滞的工(gong)(gong)业使(shi)工(gong)(gong)人(ren)失(shi)业、蒙受痛苦并失(shi)去了个(ge)人(ren)尊(zun)严。即使(shi)那些(xie)有工(gong)(gong)作的人(ren)，也因税收制(zhi)(zhi)度(du)的缘故而得不到(dao)公正的劳动(dong)报(bao)酬，因为这种税收制(zhi)(zhi)度(du)使(shi)我们无法(fa)在事业上(shang)取得成就(jiu)，使(shi)我们无法(fa)保(bao)持充分的生(sheng)产力(li)。
尽管(guan)我们(men)的(de)(de)纳税负担相当(dang)沉重(zhong)，但还是跟不上公(gong)共开支(zhi)的(de)(de)增(zeng)长。数十年来，我们(men)的(de)(de)赤字额屡(lv)屡(lv)上升，我们(men)为(wei)图(tu)目前暂时的(de)(de)方便，把自己的(de)(de)前途(tu)和子孙的(de)(de)前途(tu)抵押出去(qu)了。这一趋势(shi)如果长此以(yi)往，必然引起社会、文化、政治和经济等(deng)方面(mian)的(de)(de)大动(dong)荡。
作为(wei)个人，你们(men)(men)和我(wo)可以靠借贷过一(yi)(yi)种人不敷(fu)出(chu)的(de)(de)生活，然而(er)只能维(wei)持一(yi)(yi)段(duan)有限的(de)(de)时期(qi)，我(wo)们(men)(men)怎么可以认为(wei)，作为(wei)一(yi)(yi)个国家(jia)整体(ti)，我(wo)们(men)(men)就不应受到同样的(de)(de)约束(shu)呢？为(wei)了保住明(ming)天(tian)，我(wo)们(men)(men)今天(tian)就必(bi)须(xu)行动起来。大家(jia)都要明(ming)白无误地懂得--我(wo)们(men)(men)从(cong)今天(tian)起就要采取行动。
我(wo)们(men)深(shen)受其害的(de)经济弊病，几(ji)十(shi)年来一直(zhi)袭击着我(wo)们(men)。这些弊病不会在(zai)几(ji)天、几(ji)星期或几(ji)个月(yue)内(nei)消失(shi)(shi)，但(dan)它们(men)终将(jiang)消失(shi)(shi)。它们(men)之(zhi)所以终将(jiang)消失(shi)(shi)，是因为我(wo)们(men)作为现在(zai)的(de)美(mei)国人，一如(ru)既往地有能力(li)去完成需要完成的(de)事(shi)情，以保存这个最后而又最伟大的(de)自由堡(bao)垒。
在当前(qian)这场危机中，政(zheng)府的(de)管理不(bu)能解(jie)决我们面(mian)临的(de)问(wen)题(ti)。政(zheng)府的(de)管理就是问(wen)题(ti)所在。
我们时(shi)常误以为，社(she)会已经越来越复杂，已经不可(ke)能凭借自治方式加(jia)以管理(li)，而一个由杰(jie)出人物组成的政府(fu)要比民(min)享、民(min)治、民(min)有的政府(fu)高明。可(ke)是，假如我们之中(zhong)谁也管理(li)不了自己(ji)，那么(me)，我们之中(zhong)谁还能去管理(li)他人呢。
我们大家--不论政府官员还是(shi)(shi)平(ping)民百姓--必须共同肩负起这个责(ze)任(ren)，我们谋(mou)求的解决(jue)办法必须是(shi)(shi)公平(ping)的，不要使任(ren)何一个群体付(fu)出较高的代价。
我(wo)们(men)听到许多(duo)关于特(te)(te)殊利(li)益集(ji)团(tuan)(tuan)的(de)谈论(lun)，然(ran)而(er)。我(wo)们(men)必须(xu)关心一个被忽视了(le)大久的(de)特(te)(te)殊利(li)益集(ji)团(tuan)(tuan)。这个集(ji)团(tuan)(tuan)没(mei)有区域(yu)之分(fen)，没(mei)有人(ren)种(zhong)之分(fen)，没(mei)有民(min)族之分(fen)，没(mei)有 政党之分(fen)，这个集(ji)团(tuan)(tuan)由许许多(duo)多(duo)的(de)男人(ren)与女人(ren)组成，他们(men)生产粮食，巡逻街头，管理厂矿(kuang)，教(jiao)育儿童，照料家务(wu)和(he)治(zhi)疗(liao)疾病。他们(men)是(shi)专业(ye)人(ren)员(yuan)、实(shi)业(ye)家、店(dian)主、职(zhi) 员(yuan)、出租(zu)汽车司机和(he)货车驾(jia)驶员(yuan)，总而(er)言之，他们(men)就是(shi)"我(wo)们(men)人(ren)民(min)"--这个称之为美国人(ren)的(de)民(min)族。
本(ben)届政府的(de)(de)(de)日标是必须建立一(yi)种健全(quan)(quan)的(de)(de)(de)、生气勃勃的(de)(de)(de)和不(bu)断发展(zhan)的(de)(de)(de)经济(ji)，为全(quan)(quan)体(ti)美(mei)国(guo)(guo)(guo)人(ren)民提(ti)供(gong)一(yi)种不(bu)因偏执(zhi)或歧视而造(zao)成(cheng)(cheng)障碍(ai)的(de)(de)(de)均等(deng)机会(hui)，让美(mei)国(guo)(guo)(guo)重(zhong)新工作起 来(lai)(lai)，意味(wei)(wei)着让全(quan)(quan)体(ti)美(mei)国(guo)(guo)(guo)人(ren)重(zhong)新工作起来(lai)(lai)。制止(zhi)通货膨胀，意味(wei)(wei)着让全(quan)(quan)体(ti)美(mei)国(guo)(guo)(guo)人(ren)从失(shi)控(kong)的(de)(de)(de)生活费用所(suo)造(zao)成(cheng)(cheng)的(de)(de)(de)恐(kong)惧中(zhong)解脱出来(lai)(lai)。人(ren)人(ren)都(dou)应分担"新开端"的(de)(de)(de)富有(you)(you)成(cheng)(cheng)效(xiao)的(de)(de)(de)工 作，人(ren)人(ren)都(dou)应分享(xiang)经济(ji)复(fu)苏(su)的(de)(de)(de)硕果。我(wo)国(guo)(guo)(guo)制度(du)和力量(liang)的(de)(de)(de)核心是理想主义(yi)和公正(zheng)态(tai)度(du)，有(you)(you)了这些(xie)，我(wo)们就能建立起强大(da)、繁荣、国(guo)(guo)(guo)内(nei)稳定并同全(quan)(quan)世界和平相处(chu)的(de)(de)(de)美(mei)国(guo)(guo)(guo)。
因(yin)此，在我(wo)们(men)(men)开(kai)始(shi)之际(ji)，让我(wo)们(men)(men)看(kan)看(kan)实际(ji)情况。我(wo)们(men)(men)是一(yi)个拥(yong)有(you)(you)政(zheng)府(fu)的(de)(de)国(guo)(guo)家--而不(bu)是一(yi)个拥(yong)有(you)(you)国(guo)(guo)家的(de)(de)政(zheng)府(fu)。这一(yi)点使(shi)我(wo)们(men)(men)在世(shi)界合(he)国(guo)(guo)中(zhong)独树(shu)一(yi)帜，我(wo)们(men)(men)的(de)(de)政(zheng)府(fu) 除了人(ren)民授予的(de)(de)权(quan)力，没有(you)(you)任何别的(de)(de)权(quan)力。目前，政(zheng)府(fu)权(quan)力的(de)(de)膨胀(zhang)已(yi)显示(shi)出(chu)超过(guo)被统治者(zhe)同意的(de)(de)迹象，制止并(bing)扭转这种(zhong)状况的(de)(de)时(shi)候到了。
我(wo)(wo)打算(suan)压(ya)缩联邦(bang)(bang)(bang)(bang)机构的(de)(de)规模和权(quan)力(li)(li)，并要(yao)求(qiu)大家(jia)承认联邦(bang)(bang)(bang)(bang)政(zheng)府(fu)(fu)被授予的(de)(de)权(quan)力(li)(li)同各(ge)(ge)州或人民保留的(de)(de)权(quan)利这两者之间的(de)(de)区别。我(wo)(wo)们(men)大家(jia)都需要(yao)提(ti)醒(xing)：不(bu)是(shi)(shi)(shi)联邦(bang)(bang)(bang)(bang)政(zheng)府(fu)(fu)创 立(li)了(le)各(ge)(ge)州，而(er)(er)是(shi)(shi)(shi)各(ge)(ge)州创立(li)了(le)联邦(bang)(bang)(bang)(bang)政(zheng)府(fu)(fu)。因此，请不(bu)要(yao)误会(hui)，我(wo)(wo)的(de)(de)意思不(bu)是(shi)(shi)(shi)要(yao)取消政(zheng)府(fu)(fu)，而(er)(er)是(shi)(shi)(shi)要(yao)它发(fa)挥作(zuo)用--同我(wo)(wo)们(men)一起合作(zuo)，而(er)(er)不(bu)是(shi)(shi)(shi)凌驾于我(wo)(wo)们(men)之上；同我(wo)(wo)们(men)并肩 而(er)(er)立(li)，而(er)(er)不(bu)是(shi)(shi)(shi)骑(qi)在我(wo)(wo)们(men)的(de)(de)背(bei)上。政(zheng)府(fu)(fu)能(neng)够(gou)而(er)(er)且(qie)必(bi)须提(ti)供(gong)机会(hui)，而(er)(er)不(bu)是(shi)(shi)(shi)扼杀机会(hui)，它能(neng)够(gou)而(er)(er)且(qie)必(bi)须促进生(sheng)产力(li)(li)，而(er)(er)不(bu)是(shi)(shi)(shi)抑制生(sheng)产力(li)(li)。
如果我们(men)要探(tan)究这么多年来我们(men)为什么能取得(de)这么大成就(jiu)，并获(huo)得(de)了世(shi)界(jie)上任何一个民(min)族未曾获(huo)得(de)的(de)(de)(de)繁荣昌盛，其(qi)原因是在这片土(tu)地上，我们(men)使人类的(de)(de)(de)能力和个 人的(de)(de)(de)才智得(de)到了前所(suo)(suo)未有(you)的(de)(de)(de)发挥。在这里，个人所(suo)(suo)享有(you)并得(de)以(yi)确保的(de)(de)(de)自(zi)由和尊严超过(guo)了世(shi)界(jie)上任何其(qi)他地方(fang)。为这种自(zi)由所(suo)(suo)付(fu)出的(de)(de)(de)代价有(you)时相当(dang)高昂，但(dan)我们(men)从(cong)来没 有(you)不愿意付(fu)出这代价。
我(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)(men)(men)目前的(de)(de)困难，与(yu)政(zheng)府机构因为不(bu)必要的(de)(de)过(guo)度膨(peng)胀而干(gan)预(yu)、侵扰我(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)(men)(men)的(de)(de)生活同(tong)步增(zeng)加(jia)，这(zhei)决不(bu)是(shi)(shi)偶(ou)然的(de)(de)巧合。我(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)(men)(men)是(shi)(shi)一(yi)个泱(yang)泱(yang)大国，不(bu)能自囿(you)于小(xiao)小(xiao)的(de)(de)梦想(xiang)， 现在正(zheng)是(shi)(shi)认识到(dao)这(zhei)一(yi)点(dian)的(de)(de)时候。我(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)(men)(men)并(bing)非(fei)注定走向衰(shuai)落，尽管有些人想(xiang)让我(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)(men)(men)相(xiang)(xiang)信这(zhei)一(yi)点(dian)。我(wo)(wo)不(bu)相(xiang)(xiang)信，无论我(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)(men)(men)做(zuo)些什么(me)，我(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)(men)(men)都将(jiang)命该如此，但我(wo)(wo)相(xiang)(xiang)信，如果我(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)(men)(men) 什么(me)也不(bu)做(zuo)，我(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)(men)(men)将(jiang)的(de)(de)确命该如此。
为(wei)此，让我(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)(men)以掌握的一切(qie)创造力(li)来开创一个国(guo)家复(fu)兴的时代吧。让我(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)(men)重新(xin)拿出决(jue)心、勇气和力(li)量，让我(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)(men)重新(xin)建立起(qi)我(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)(men)的信念和希望(wang)吧。我(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)(men)完(wan)全(quan)有权去做英雄梦(meng)。
有人告诉我(wo)(wo)(wo)们在他(ta)的身上发现一本(ben)日(ri)记(ji)。扉(fei)页上写(xie)(xie)着这(zhei)样(yang)的标题：“我(wo)(wo)(wo)的誓言”。 他(ta)写(xie)(xie)下(xia)了(le)这(zhei)样(yang)的话语：“美国必须赢(ying)得这(zhei)场战争。为此，我(wo)(wo)(wo)会奋(fen)斗，我(wo)(wo)(wo)会拯救，我(wo)(wo)(wo)会牺(xi)牲(sheng)，我(wo)(wo)(wo)会忍受，我(wo)(wo)(wo)会并将尽我(wo)(wo)(wo)最大的努力英勇奋(fen)战，就好(hao)比所有的战争问题都将由我(wo)(wo)(wo)一个人来肩负。”
First Inaugural Address of Ronald Reagan
TUESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1981
Senator Hatfield, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens: To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion; and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence. The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are. In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.
Mr. President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition. By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.
The business of our nation goes forward. These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions. We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history. It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed- income elderly alike. It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.
Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity. Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.
But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending. For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present. To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.
You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time. Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation?
We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow. And let there be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today.
The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades. They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away. They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.
In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.
From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people. But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden. The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.
We hear much of special interest groups. Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected. It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines. It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers. They are, in short, "We the people," this breed called Americans.
Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination. Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work. Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs. All must share in the productive work of this "new beginning" and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy. With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.
So, as we begin, let us take inventory. We are a nation that has a government--not the other way around. And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth. Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people. It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.
It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people. All of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States; the States created the Federal Government.
Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government. It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us; to stand by our side, not ride on our back. Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it; foster productivity, not stifle it.
If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before. Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth. The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.
It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government. It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams. We are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable decline. I do not believe in a fate that will all on us no matter what we do. I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing. So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal. Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength. And let us renew; our faith and our hope.
We have every right to dream heroic dreams. Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look. You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates. Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond. You meet heroes across a counter--and they are on both sides of that counter. There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity. They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education. Their patriotism is quiet but deep. Their values sustain our national life.
I have used the words "they" and "their" in speaking of these heroes. I could say "you" and "your" because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak--you, the citizens of this blessed land. Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.
We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup. How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, and provide opportunities to make them self- sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?
Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic "yes." To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.
In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity. Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government. Progress may be slow--measured in inches and feet, not miles--but we will progress. Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden. And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.
On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr. Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, "Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of.... On you depend the fortunes of America. You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn. Act worthy of yourselves."
Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.
And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world. We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.
To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment. We will match loyalty with loyalty. We will strive for mutually beneficial relations. We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.
As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people. We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it; we will not surrender for it--now or ever.
Our forbearance should never be misunderstood. Our reluctance for conflict should not be misjudged as a failure of will. When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act. We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.
Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women. It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have. It is a weapon that we as Americans do have. Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.
I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful. We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free. It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.
This is the first time in history that this ceremony has been held, as you have been told, on this West Front of the Capitol. Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city's special beauty and history. At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.
Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country. A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly. He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood. Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson. The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.
And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial. Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.
Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row on row of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David. They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.
Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier. Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.
Under one such marker lies a young man--Martin Treptow--who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division. There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.
We are told that on his body was found a diary. On the flyleaf under the heading, "My Pledge," he had written these words: "America must win this war. Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone."
The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make. It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds; to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.
And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans. God bless you, and thank you.
