我(wo)们唯一不(bu)得不(bu)害(hai)怕的就是害(hai)怕本身
富兰克林-罗斯福 第一次就职演讲
星期六,1933年3月4日
我(wo)(wo)(wo)肯定(ding)(ding)，同(tong)胞们(men)(men)都期待我(wo)(wo)(wo)在(zai)(zai)(zai)就任总(zong)统时(shi)，会(hui)像我(wo)(wo)(wo)国(guo)目前(qian)(qian)形势所(suo)要求的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)那样，坦率(lv)而果断地向(xiang)他们(men)(men)讲话。现在(zai)(zai)(zai)正是(shi)但白、勇敢地说(shuo)出(chu)实(shi)(shi)话，说(shuo)出(chu)全部实(shi)(shi)话的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)最好时(shi)刻(ke)，我(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)不(bu)(bu)必畏首畏尾，不(bu)(bu)着(zhe)老实(shi)(shi)实(shi)(shi)面(mian)对(dui)我(wo)(wo)(wo)国(guo)今天(tian)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)情况，这个伟大(da)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)国(guo)家会(hui)一(yi)如既(ji)住地坚持(chi)(chi)下去，它会(hui)复(fu)兴和(he)繁荣起来(lai)(lai)。因此，让我(wo)(wo)(wo)首先表明我(wo)(wo)(wo)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)坚定(ding)(ding)信念：我(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)唯一(yi)下得不(bu)(bu)害(hai)怕(pa)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)就是(shi)害(hai)怕(pa)本身——一(yi)种(zhong)莫明其妙的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)、丧失理智的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)、毫无(wu)根据的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)恐惧，它会(hui)把(ba)转退为(wei)(wei)进所(suo)需的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)种(zhong)种(zhong)努力(li)化为(wei)(wei)泡影(ying)。凡在(zai)(zai)(zai)我(wo)(wo)(wo)国(guo)生(sheng)活阴云密布的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)时(shi)刻(ke)，坦率(lv)而有活力(li)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)领导都得到(dao)(dao)过人民的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)理解和(he)支(zhi)持(chi)(chi)，从(cong)而为(wei)(wei)胜利(li)准备了(le)必不(bu)(bu)可少的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)条件。我(wo)(wo)(wo)相信，在(zai)(zai)(zai)目前(qian)(qian)危急(ji)时(shi)刻(ke)，大(da)家会(hui)再(zai)次给予同(tong)样的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)支(zhi)持(chi)(chi)。我(wo)(wo)(wo)和(he)你们(men)(men)都要以这种(zhong)槽神，来(lai)(lai)面(mian)对(dui)我(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)共同(tong)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)困难(nan)(nan)。感谢上帝(di)，这些困难(nan)(nan)只是(shi)物质方面(mian)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)。价值难(nan)(nan)以想象(xiang)地贬缩(suo)了(le)；课(ke)税增加了(le)，我(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)支(zhi)付能力(li)下降了(le)；各(ge)级政府面(mian)临着(zhe)严重的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)收入短缺；交换手(shou)段在(zai)(zai)(zai)贸易过程中遭到(dao)(dao)了(le)冻结(jie)；工业企(qi)业枯萎的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)落叶到(dao)(dao)处可见；农场主(zhu)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)产品找不(bu)(bu)到(dao)(dao)销路；千家万户多年(nian)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)积蓄付之东流(liu)。
更(geng)重要的(de)(de)(de)(de)是(shi)(shi)，大批失业公(gong)民(min)正面临严峻的(de)(de)(de)(de)生育问题，还(hai)有(you)(you)大批公(gong)民(min)正以艰辛的(de)(de)(de)(de)劳(lao)动换(huan)取微薄的(de)(de)(de)(de)报酬。只(zhi)有(you)(you)愚蠢的(de)(de)(de)(de)乐天派(pai)会(hui)否认当前这(zhei)些(xie)阴暗(an)的(de)(de)(de)(de)现实。但是(shi)(shi)，我(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)的(de)(de)(de)(de)苦(ku)恼决不是(shi)(shi)因(yin)为(wei)缺乏物资(zi)。我(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)没有(you)(you)遭到(dao)(dao)什么蝗虫灾(zai)害(hai)。我(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)的(de)(de)(de)(de)先辈曾以信念和无(wu)畏一次次转危为(wei)安，比起(qi)他(ta)们(men)(men)经历过(guo)的(de)(de)(de)(de)险(xian)阻，我(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)仍大可感(gan)到(dao)(dao)欣慰(wei)。大自然(ran)(ran)仍在给(ji)予我(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)恩惠，人类的(de)(de)(de)(de)努力已(yi)使之倍(bei)增(zeng)。富足的(de)(de)(de)(de)憎景(jing)近在咫尺，但就在我(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)见(jian)到(dao)(dao)这(zhei)种情景(jing)的(de)(de)(de)(de)时候，宽裕的(de)(de)(de)(de)生活却悄(qiao)然(ran)(ran)离去。这(zhei)主要是(shi)(shi)因(yin)为(wei)主宰人类物资(zi)交换(huan)的(de)(de)(de)(de)统治者(zhe)们(men)(men)失败了，他(ta)们(men)(men)固执己见(jian)而(er)又(you)无(wu)能为(wei)力，因(yin)而(er)已(yi)经认定失败，并(bing)撒手不管(guan)了，贪得无(wu)厌的(de)(de)(de)(de)货币兑换(huan)商的(de)(de)(de)(de)种种行径，将受到(dao)(dao)舆论(lun)法庭的(de)(de)(de)(de)起(qi)诉，将受到(dao)(dao)人类心灵和理智的(de)(de)(de)(de)唾弃(qi)。
幸福并不(bu)(bu)在(zai)于单纯地(di)(di)占有主钱；幸福还在(zai)于取(qu)得成就(jiu)后的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)喜(xi)悦，在(zai)于创造性(xing)努(nu)力时的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)激(ji)情(qing)。务(wu)必(bi)不(bu)(bu)能(neng)再忘记劳动带(dai)来的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)喜(xi)悦和(he)(he)(he)(he)激(ji)励，而(er)去疯狂地(di)(di)追逐那转瞬即逝的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)利润。如(ru)果这些(xie)暗淡(dan)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)时日能(neng)使(shi)我(wo)们(men)(men)认识到(dao)(dao)，我(wo)们(men)(men)真正(zheng)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)夭命不(bu)(bu)是(shi)要别(bie)人(ren)侍(shi)奉，而(er)是(shi)为(wei)(wei)自(zi)己和(he)(he)(he)(he)同胞们(men)(men)服务(wu)，那么，我(wo)们(men)(men)付出的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)代(dai)价就(jiu)完(wan)全(quan)是(shi)值得的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)。认识到(dao)(dao)把物质财富当(dang)作成功的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)标(biao)准(zhun)是(shi)错误的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)，我(wo)们(men)(men)就(jiu)会(hui)抛弃以地(di)(di)位尊严和(he)(he)(he)(he)个人(ren)收益为(wei)(wei)唯一标(biao)准(zhun)。来衡量(liang)公职和(he)(he)(he)(he)高级政治(zhi)地(di)(di)位的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)错误信念，我(wo)们(men)(men)必(bi)须制止(zhi)银行界(jie)和(he)(he)(he)(he)企(qi)业界(jie)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)一种(zhong)行为(wei)(wei)，它常常使(shi)神圣(sheng)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)委托混同于无情(qing)和(he)(he)(he)(he)自(zi)私的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)不(bu)(bu)正(zheng)当(dang)行为(wei)(wei)，难怪信心(xin)在(zai)减弱，因(yin)为(wei)(wei)增强信心(xin)只有靠(kao)诚实(shi)、荣誉感、神圣(sheng)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)责任(ren)感，忠实(shi)地(di)(di)加以维护和(he)(he)(he)(he)无私地(di)(di)履行职责，而(er)没(mei)有这些(xie)，就(jiu)不(bu)(bu)可能(neng)有信心(xin)。
但是，复(fu)兴(xing)不仅仅要求改变伦理观念。这个国(guo)家(jia)要求行动起来，现(xian)在就行动起来。
根据宪(xian)法(fa)赋予我的职责、我准备提出一些措施，而一个受灾世界上的受灾国(guo)家(jia)也许需(xu)要这(zhei)些措施。对于(yu)这(zhei)些措施，以及国(guo)会根据本身的经验和智慧可(ke)能制(zhi)订(ding)的其他类似(si)措施，我将在宪(xian)法(fa)赋予我的权限(xian)内，设(she)法(fa)迅速地予以采(cai)纳。
但是，如果国会(hui)拒(ju)不采(cai)纳(na)这两条路线中的(de)(de)一条，如果国家紧(jin)急(ji)情况(kuang)依(yi)然(ran)如故，我将下回避我所面(mian)临的(de)(de)明确的(de)(de)尽责方向。我将要求国会(hui)准许我使(shi)用唯一剩(sheng)下的(de)(de)手殷来应付危机——向非常情况(kuang)开战的(de)(de)广(guang)泛的(de)(de)行政(zheng)权(quan)，就(jiu)像我们真(zhen)的(de)(de)遭到外敌人(ren)侵时授予我那样的(de)(de)广(guang)泛权(quan)力。
对大家寄予(yu)我的信任，我一定报以时代所要求的勇气和献身(shen)精(jing)神，我会(hui)竭(jie)尽(jin)全力。
让(rang)我们(men)正视面前的(de)严峻岁月，怀(huai)着举国一(yi)致给我们(men)带(dai)来的(de)热(re)情和(he)勇气，怀(huai)着寻求传统的(de)、珍贵的(de)道德观(guan)念的(de)明确意识(shi)，怀(huai)着老老少少都能通过(guo)克(ke)尽(jin)职守(shou)而得到的(de)问心(xin)无愧(kui)的(de)满足。我们(men)的(de)国标是要保证国民生(sheng)活的(de)圆(yuan)满和(he)长治(zhi)久安。
我们(men)并(bing)不怀疑基本(ben)民主制(zhi)度的未来。合(he)众国人民并(bing)没(mei)有(you)(you)失败。他们(men)在(zai)困(kun)难(nan)中表达(da)了自己的委托，即要(yao)求(qiu)采(cai)取直接而有(you)(you)力的行动(dong)。他们(men)要(yao)求(qiu)有(you)(you)领(ling)导的纪(ji)律和方向。他们(men)现在(zai)选择了我作为实现他们(men)的愿望的工具(ju)。我接受这份厚赠。
在此(ci)举国奉(feng)献之际(ji)，我们谦卑地(di)请(qing)求上(shang)帝赐福。愿上(shang)帝保佑我们大家和每一个人，愿上(shang)帝在未来的日子里指引我。
First Inaugural Address of Franklin D. Roosevelt
SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1933
I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.
The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men.
Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation asks for action, and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources.
Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, State, and local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities which have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped merely by talking about it. We must act and act quickly.
Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people's money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.
There are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the several States.
Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States--a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that the recovery will endure.
In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor--the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others-- the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never realized before our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress is made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at a larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in time of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.
Action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has produced. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.
It is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.
But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, and in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis--broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.
For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of the national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stem performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded and permanent national life.
We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.
In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to come.
